This study investigated the effects of internal and demographic variables on civic development in late adolescence using the construct civic purpose. We conducted surveys on civic engagement with 480 high school seniors, and surveyed them again two years later. Using multivariate regression and linear mixed models, we tested the main effects of civic purpose dimensions (beyond-the-self motivation, future civic intention), ethnicity, and education on civic development from Time 1 to Time 2. Results showed (...) that while there is an overall decrease in civic engagement in the transition out of high school, both internal and social factors protected participants from steep civic decline. Interaction effects varied. Ethnicity and education interacted in different ways with the dimensions of civic purpose to predict change in traditional and expressive political engagement, and community service engagement. (shrink)

In the present study, we tested whether civic identity consisting of moral and political identity via the bifactor model of civic identity with the Stanford Civic Purpose dataset. Previous research in youth development proposed that civic identity consists of two closely related identity constructs, i.e., moral and political identity. Given the bifactor model in factor analysis assumes the presence of both the general and specific factors, we hypothesized that the bifactor model would better fit the data (...) than conventional alternative models. Thus, we compared the candidate models, including the bifactor model, with confirmatory factor analysis. To address the concern about the potential overfitting of the bifactor model, we additionally conducted cross-validation and measurement invariance tests across different gender groups and time points. The analysis results supported our hypothesis that the bifactor model better fitted the data. Both the cross-validation and measurement invariance test results suggested that the overfitting issue was not a significant concern. In the present study, we empirically demonstrated that the bifactor model of civic identity consisting of moral and political identity, which was supposed to be more consistent with the theoretical and conceptual framework of civic identity, better fitted the data than conventional alternative models. (shrink)

Although successive generations of digital technology have become increasingly powerful in the past 20 years, digital democracy has yet to realize its potential for deliberative transformation. The undemocratic exploitation of massive social media systems continued this trend, but it only worsened an existing problem of modern democracies, which were already struggling to develop deliberative infrastructure independent of digital technologies. There have been many creative conceptions of civic tech, but implementation has lagged behind innovation. This article argues for implementing one (...) such vision of digital democracy through the establishment of a public corporation. Modeled on the Corporation for Public Broadcasting in the United States, this entity would foster the creation of new digital technology by providing a stable source of funding to nonprofit technologists, interest groups, civic organizations, government, researchers, private companies, and the public. Funded entities would produce and maintain software infrastructure for public benefit. The concluding sections identify what circumstances might create and sustain such an entity. (shrink)

In two studies, we tested how the expression of civic hope in narratives and the perceived authenticity of civic/political actions relate to civic/political engagement. In a cross-sectional study of undergraduates (N = 230), the expression of civic hope predicted the perceived authenticity of civic actions (e.g., voting), which in turn predicted the motivation to engage in them. In a longitudinal on-line study that began 8 weeks prior to the 2020 U.S. Presidential election (N = (...) 308 MTurk workers), overall expressions of civic hope positively predicted the perceived authenticity of voting and the motivation to vote. In addition, expressions of civic hope positively predicted the perceived authenticity of voting, which in turn positively predicted the likelihood of reporting that one did vote. These findings indicate that a sense of civic hope and the experience of authenticity in political contexts may be important for democratic engagement. (shrink)

Political polarization is on the rise, undermining the shared space of public reason necessary for a thriving democracy and making voters more willing than ever to dismiss the perspectives of their political opponents. This destructive tendency is especially problematic when it comes to issues of race and gender, as informed views on these topics necessarily require engaging with those whose experiences may differ from our own. In order to help our students combat further polarization, we created a course on "The (...) Philosophy of Race, Class, and Gender" that incorporated intergroup dialogues - small, diverse, semester-long discussion groups-that focused on building the civic virtues of toleration, egalitarianism, and solidarity. In this article, we describe our approach, including the evidence that intergroup dialogue can act as a catalyst for democratic dialogue. We hope that the practice of intergroup dialogue can help other instructors cultivate the civic virtues in their philosophy classrooms as well. (shrink)

In the early 1830s, Black abolitionist Maria Stewart reimagined core concepts of republicanism—domination and civic virtue—to articulate a republican politics suited to the political condition of Black Americans in the antebellum United States. Stewart argued that Black Americans, both enslaved and nominally free, were reduced by the white-dominated polity to a position of servitude: as fit to serve the good of the white Americans who dominated them and without any claim upon the polity’s common good themselves. Stewart also drew (...) a nuanced distinction between servitude and service that cast Black mothers as exemplars of republican virtue, engaged in social reproductive labour that supported the common good of Black Americans as a people, in which Black mothers themselves partook. Furthermore, Stewart emphasized the liberatory power of partial sympathy as a foundation for racialized civic virtue and solidarity, organized around the common good of Black Americans as a people. (shrink)

I explored the association between components constituting the basis for moral and optimal human functioning, i.e., moral reasoning, moral identity, empathy, and purpose, via network analysis. I employed factor scores instead of composite scores that most previous studies used for better accuracy in score estimation in this study. Then, I estimated the network structure among collected variables and centrality indicators. For additional information, the structure and indicators were compared between two groups, participants who engaged in civic activities highly versus (...) lowly. The results demonstrated significant intra- and inter-scale associations in the network. The network structure was invariant across the two groups. Despite the network invariance, I found that the global connectivity between and centrality indicators of examined factors were higher among the high civic engagement group in general. I discussed the implications of the findings in research on moral functioning based on moral psychology and virtue ethics. (shrink)

Can new technology enhance purpose-driven, democratic dialogue in groups, governments, and societies? Online Deliberation: Design, Research, and Practice is the first book that attempts to sample the full range of work on online deliberation, forging new connections between academic research, technology designers, and practitioners. Since some of the most exciting innovations have occurred outside of traditional institutions, and those involved have often worked in relative isolation from each other, work in this growing field has often failed to reflect the full (...) set of perspectives on online deliberation. This volume is aimed at those working at the crossroads of information/communication technology and social science, and documents early findings in, and perspectives on, this new field by many of its pioneers. CONTENTS: Introduction: The Blossoming Field of Online Deliberation (Todd Davies, pp. 1-19) Part I - Prospects for Online Civic Engagement Chapter 1: Virtual Public Consultation: Prospects for Internet Deliberative Democracy (James S. Fishkin, pp. 23-35) Chapter 2: Citizens Deliberating Online: Theory and Some Evidence (Vincent Price, pp. 37-58) Chapter 3: Can Online Deliberation Improve Politics? Scientific Foundations for Success (Arthur Lupia, pp. 59-69) Chapter 4: Deliberative Democracy, Online Discussion, and Project PICOLA (Public Informed Citizen Online Assembly) (Robert Cavalier with Miso Kim and Zachary Sam Zaiss, pp. 71-79) Part II - Online Dialogue in the Wild Chapter 5: Friends, Foes, and Fringe: Norms and Structure in Political Discussion Networks (John Kelly, Danyel Fisher, and Marc Smith, pp. 83-93) Chapter 6: Searching the Net for Differences of Opinion (Warren Sack, John Kelly, and Michael Dale, pp. 95-104) Chapter 7: Happy Accidents: Deliberation and Online Exposure to Opposing Views (Azi Lev-On and Bernard Manin, pp. 105-122) Chapter 8: Rethinking Local Conversations on the Web (Sameer Ahuja, Manuel Pérez-Quiñones, and Andrea Kavanaugh, pp. 123-129) Part III - Online Public Consultation Chapter 9: Deliberation in E-Rulemaking? The Problem of Mass Participation (David Schlosberg, Steve Zavestoski, and Stuart Shulman, pp. 133-148) Chapter 10: Turning GOLD into EPG: Lessons from Low-Tech Democratic Experimentalism for Electronic Rulemaking and Other Ventures in Cyberdemocracy (Peter M. Shane, pp. 149-162) Chapter 11: Baudrillard and the Virtual Cow: Simulation Games and Citizen Participation (Hélène Michel and Dominique Kreziak, pp. 163-166) Chapter 12: Using Web-Based Group Support Systems to Enhance Procedural Fairness in Administrative Decision Making in South Africa (Hossana Twinomurinzi and Jackie Phahlamohlaka, pp. 167-169) Chapter 13: Citizen Participation Is Critical: An Example from Sweden (Tomas Ohlin, pp. 171-173) Part IV - Online Deliberation in Organizations Chapter 14: Online Deliberation in the Government of Canada: Organizing the Back Office (Elisabeth Richard, pp. 177-191) Chapter 15: Political Action and Organization Building: An Internet-Based Engagement Model (Mark Cooper, pp. 193-202) Chapter 16: Wiki Collaboration Within Political Parties: Benefits and Challenges (Kate Raynes-Goldie and David Fono, pp. 203-205) Chapter 17: Debian’s Democracy (Gunnar Ristroph, pp. 207-211) Chapter 18: Software Support for Face-to-Face Parliamentary Procedure (Dana Dahlstrom and Bayle Shanks, pp. 213-220) Part V - Online Facilitation Chapter 19: Deliberation on the Net: Lessons from a Field Experiment (June Woong Rhee and Eun-mee Kim, pp. 223-232) Chapter 20: The Role of the Moderator: Problems and Possibilities for Government-Run Online Discussion Forums (Scott Wright, pp. 233-242) Chapter 21: Silencing the Clatter: Removing Anonymity from a Corporate Online Community (Gilly Leshed, pp. 243-251) Chapter 22: Facilitation and Inclusive Deliberation (Matthias Trénel, pp. 253-257) Chapter 23: Rethinking the ‘Informed’ Participant: Precautions and Recommendations for the Design of Online Deliberation (Kevin S. Ramsey and Matthew W. Wilson, pp. 259-267) Chapter 24: PerlNomic: Rule Making and Enforcement in Digital Shared Spaces (Mark E. Phair and Adam Bliss, pp. 269-271) Part VI - Design of Deliberation Tools Chapter 25: An Online Environment for Democratic Deliberation: Motivations, Principles, and Design (Todd Davies, Brendan O’Connor, Alex Cochran, Jonathan J. Effrat, Andrew Parker, Benjamin Newman, and Aaron Tam, pp. 275-292) Chapter 26: Online Civic Deliberation with E-Liberate (Douglas Schuler, pp. 293-302) Chapter 27: Parliament: A Module for Parliamentary Procedure Software (Bayle Shanks and Dana Dahlstrom, pp. 303-307) Chapter 28: Decision Structure: A New Approach to Three Problems in Deliberation (Raymond J. Pingree, pp. 309-316) Chapter 29: Design Requirements of Argument Mapping Software for Teaching Deliberation (Matthew W. Easterday, Jordan S. Kanarek, and Maralee Harrell, pp. 317-323) Chapter 30: Email-Embedded Voting with eVote/Clerk (Marilyn Davis, pp. 325-327) Epilogue: Understanding Diversity in the Field of Online Deliberation (Seeta Peña Gangadharan, pp. 329-358). For individual chapter downloads, go to odbook.stanford.edu. (shrink)

Despite the initial promise of social media platforms as a means of facilitating discourse on matters of civic discourse, in practice it has turned out to impair fruitful conversation on civic issues by a number of means. From self-isolation into echo chambers, to algorithmically supported filter bubbles, to widespread failure to engage politically owing to psychological phenomena like the ‘spiral of silence’, a variety of factors have been blamed. I argue that extant accounts overlook the importance of interpersonal (...) relationships to sustaining quality civic discourse on social media. Drawing on an Aristotelian account of friendship with an emphasis on the value of interpersonal difference plus the influence of interactions on individual character, I argue that a common scapegoat for the failure of civic discourse online—the variety of “unfriend” disconnection tools offered on various platforms—actually show promise at promoting better-quality civic conversation and overcoming the obstacles present on social media platforms. (shrink)

This paper examines Plato’s underexplored conception of civic moderation in the Republic. I argue that civic moderation is the virtue of civic unity. It centrally involves friendship among all citizens, best understood as a communion (κοινωνία) characterized by shared goods, collaboration, coordination, and the proper acknowledgment of one another’s contributions to the joint enterprise of living together in a city. The resulting unity is not that of a single person, as Aristotle and later critics contend, but that (...) of colleagues jointly engaged in a shared undertaking. Civic justice provides the conditions under which civic moderation arises and persists. Along the way, I challenge prevailing thin interpretations that reduce moderation to a shared belief about rule or to the subordination of desires or to a combination of the two, and I argue that the virtue instead comprises two robust and mutually sustaining dimensions: a cognitive network of interrelated commitments about civic life, and affective dispositions of respect, trust, and concern that correspond to those commitments. This account illuminates Plato’s view of psychic unity and his reflections on inter-polis relations. -/- . (shrink)

Anger occupies a paradoxical position in democratic life: it is simultaneously one of the most powerful catalysts for civic engagement and one of the greatest threats to democratic stability. This paper argues that anger functions as both a vital diagnostic and mobilizing force alerting societies to injustice, equalizing emotional resources for marginalized groups, and propelling citizens into participation—yet becomes corrosive when it shifts from issue-based grievances to identity-based animus. Drawing on political psychology, social movement theory, and empirical evidence, (...) the analysis traces anger’s dual trajectory: its approach-oriented nature overcomes apathy and drives collective action, while chronic, identity-driven rage fosters affective polarization, diminishes cognitive flexibility, amplifies echo chambers and misinformation, and reframes democratic compromise as moral treason. African cases ranging from ethnic polarization in Nigeria and Kenya to xenophobic violence in South Africa illustrate how unchecked anger can erode deliberative norms and contribute to democratic dysfunction. The paper concludes that the goal is not to eliminate anger from politics which is an impossible and undesirable aim but to channel it productively. Employing the metaphor of a combustion engine, it contends that righteous indignation provides essential energy for democratic movement, but requires robust containing structures such as institutional reforms, protected civic spaces, civic education, and improved digital habits that allow high-stakes disagreement without descending into tribal warfare. By building a better fireplace for political anger, democracies can harness its transformative potential while safeguarding the deliberative trust and mutual accommodation essential to their survival. Keywords: Political Anger, Democratic Stability, Affective Polarization, Civic Engagement -/- . (shrink)

As I have explored elsewhere, the Birmingham Philosophy Guild, which my former students and I re-founded in 2012, is a team of community members who engage in theoretical discussion, support group self-cultivation, and community activism. To further promote the guild as a catalyst for progressive social change, the present article connects it to both the popular cultural phenomenon of the “X-Men” – to make the guild more appealing to students and laypeople – and to the cutting-edge contemporary French philosophy of (...) Étienne Balibar – to make the guild more appealing to professors and culture workers. Moreover, the article connects these low- and high-brow phenomena to each other as well, thereby illustrating the political relevance of the lower, as well as a weakness in the higher, pursuant to social justice activism today. (shrink)

Does the polis face the demos with hostility? Do citizens contest the city? Is a people in opposed separation from its political institutions? A multidisciplinary collection on people and the institutions they find themselves in and under, the essays here engage questions of the individual , communities, leadership, populism, citizenship, social media, and technology. The collection includes work by philosophers, political scientists, and political theorists using quantitative, historical, and hermeneutical methodologies to take on some of the most pressing issues of (...) our historical moment. (shrink)

Universities have always been part of political and public discourse in one way or another. The EU has assigned universities a new model role as ultimate integrators for the designated European Education Area and European Research Area. In this sense, Homo Academicus must reflect on new arrangements, as the previously occupied position of an omniscient detached observer is no longer valid. It is doomed to remain an unaccomplished and misleading idealization. The European Council has introduced the idea of the European (...) University as a bottom-up network of universities across the EU. It presents education as everyone’s favorite muse, but it is not a silver bullet. The education system is entangled in national and supranational interests, constantly shifting between the public and private sectors. The academic community is experiencing one of the biggest existential conflicts in choosing between two options: 1) scholastic supra-civic detachment, ivory tower escapism, and elitist stance, or 2) intellectual social engagement and civic education. Unless this conflict is resolved, future universities will not be able to foster transversal skills and prepare accountable citizens. (shrink)

This chapter is a call to philosophers to philosophize for their cities and not merely in them. As business-model approaches to higher education increasingly dominate, the place for philosophy within the Academy is likely to continue shrinking. It is the argument of this chapter that demonstrating the importance of philosophy demands a that we shift our focus from the problems and concerns of our colleagues to those of our neighbors. The chapter concludes with some examples of what a more urban-oriented (...) philosophy might involve. (shrink)

The objective of this longitudinal study is to analyze the intrinsic drivers and values underlying managers’ organizational citizenship behaviors for the environment from a developmental psychology perspective based on measuring the stages of consciousness that shape the meaning-making systems of individuals. At time 1, the stages of consciousness of 138 managers were qualitatively assessed using the Leader Development Profile test. At time 2, a quantitative survey measured the environmental beliefs and OCBEs of these managers. The links between stages of consciousness, (...) environmental beliefs, and OCBEs were analyzed using hierarchical regressions. The main findings show that managers’ stages of consciousness positively influence two types of OCBEs, namely eco-initiatives and eco-helping, while environmental beliefs influence eco-helping and eco-civic engagement but do not appear to be connected with the stage of consciousness development. This paper first contributes to the literature on corporate greening by shedding more light on the aspects of behavioral and developmental psychology that underlie environmental leadership. Second, it bridges the gap between theories that have developed separately by showing the interconnectedness between the managers’ stage of consciousness and the more concrete environmental behaviors in the workplace that could have emulative effects throughout the organization. (shrink)

Перевод статьи: Davies T., Chandler R. Online deliberation design: Choices, criteria, and evidence // Democracy in motion: Evaluating the practice and impact of deliberative civic engagement / Nabatchi T., Weiksner M., Gastil J., Leighninger M. (eds.). -- Oxford: Oxford univ. press, 2013. -- P. 103-131. А. Кулик. Вниманию читателей предлагается обзор эмпирических исследований в области дизайна онлайн-форумов, предназначенных для вовлечения граждан в делиберацию. Размерности дизайна определены для различных характеристик делиберации: назначения, целевой аудитории, разобщенности участников в пространстве и во (...) времени, среды коммуникации и организации делиберативного процесса. После краткого обзора критериев оценки вариантов дизайна рассматриваются эмпирические данные, соотносящиеся с каждым из вариантов. Эффективность онлайн-делиберации зависит от того, насколько условия коммуникации соотносятся с заданиями делиберации. Компромиссы, как, например, между анонимным или идентифицируемым участием, предполагают различные дизайны в зависимости от цели делиберации и состава участников. Выводы исследования получены на материале существующих технологий и могут измениться по мере коэволюции технологий и пользователей. (shrink)

Historic preservation has traditionally prioritized architectural fabric and canonical narratives, often marginalizing the social relations, labor histories, and power structures embedded in heritage sites. This paper advances recovery as a distinct analytical and governance-oriented framework in heritage and planning, moving beyond restoration, resilience, and adaptive reuse by foregrounding relational repair, redistribution of interpretive authority, and heritage as civic infrastructure. Drawing on the 1705 Stone House at Mabee Farm Historic Site (Rotterdam Junction, New York) as a case study, I examine (...) how technical conservation interventions (e.g. masonry stabilization, fenestration remediation, landscape integration) intersect with interpretive and community-based practices, including rotating exhibitions, participatory programming, and the naming of documented enslaved individuals. Through archival research, built-fabric assessment, and analysis of interpretive programming, I identify three constitutive dynamics of recovery: Material re-reading of space, Redistribution of agency, and Structural constraints, including archival silences, funding precarity, and commodification, which delimit the scope and durability of recovery. By framing recovery as an analytical, methodological, and normative framework, this study shifts attention from object-centered preservation toward ongoing processes of social and spatial repair. It further explores implications for heritage governance, planning regulation, and infrastructural decision-making, advocating preservation practices that cultivate shared custodianship, plural memory, and future-oriented civic engagement. (shrink)

Democratic systems are characterized by enduring tensions among core values such as freedom, justice, equality, and participation. While democratic theory has long acknowledged these tensions, they are often approached through either/or decision-making frameworks that contribute to polarization, institutional instability, and declining public trust (Dahl, 2001; Rawls, 2001). Drawing on polarity theory and the work of William J. Benet, this article examines the Polarities of Democracy framework as a conceptual approach to leadership and social change. The framework conceptualizes democracy as a (...) dynamic system of interdependent values organized into five polarity pairs that must be managed rather than solved. Using a conceptual and theoretical methodology, the article situates the framework within democratic theory and systems thinking and analyzes its implications for leadership, governance, and public policy. The analysis suggests that unmanaged democratic polarities undermine democratic legitimacy, while intentional polarity management supports resilience, equity, and sustainability. The article concludes with leadership and policy recommendations for applying the framework in governance, civic engagement, and social change initiatives. (shrink)

This article critically examines the ramifications of the stringent enforcement of restrictive and prohibitive communication surveillance laws and practices, which unjustifiably traduce fundamental human rights and freedoms pertinent to Zimbabwean elections. Based on doctrinal legal research, this article examines how state surveillance, facilitated by laws permitting the monitoring of digital communications, impacts fundamental rights, including freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and the right to privacy. Evidence from Zimbabwe reveals a chilling effect on political participation, where fear of surveillance leads (...) to self-censorship, reduced civic engagement and the erosion of trust among civil society actors. The deployment of spyware and mass surveillance tools, often lacking judicial oversight, has disproportionately targeted human rights defenders, journalists and opposition figures, undermining democratic accountability and electoral integrity. The article argues that the current surveillance regime in Zimbabwe not only contravenes human rights standards but also significantly impairs free and fair elections. It concludes with recommendations for legal reforms, institutional safeguards and advocacy strategies aimed at aligning surveillance laws and practices with democratic principles and human rights obligations. (shrink)

-/- The Invention and Evolution of Democratic Elections: From Ancient Athens to the Digital Age -/- The idea of democratic elections—where people choose their leaders and influence laws through voting—has a long and complex history that stretches back over two millennia. Though modern democracy is often associated with Western liberal states, its roots lie deep in ancient civilizations, evolving through various stages of reform, revolution, and philosophical thought. This essay traces the development of democratic elections from their earliest beginnings in (...) ancient Athens to the global systems we recognize today. -/- Ancient Beginnings: Athens and the Birth of Democracy -/- The concept of democracy originated in ancient Athens during the 5th century BCE, where it took on a radically different form from what we know today. Athenian democracy was a direct democracy, where free male citizens actively participated in political decision-making. Although only a small fraction of the population qualified as citizens—excluding women, slaves, and foreigners—Athens was the first society to institutionalize the idea that ordinary people should have a role in governance. -/- Interestingly, elections in Athens were used sparingly. Instead, most officials were selected by random lottery (sortition) to prevent corruption and ensure fairness. Elections were reserved for positions requiring special expertise, such as military generals. Despite its limitations, Athens laid the foundation for the democratic ideal: the notion that political power should derive from the people. -/- The Roman Republic: Early Representative Elements -/- Following Athens, the Roman Republic (509–27 BCE) introduced another important model. While still exclusive and class-based, Rome employed elements of representative democracy. Citizens elected officials like consuls and tribunes, and assemblies were held to vote on laws. However, these rights were unevenly distributed, favoring wealthy patricians over common plebeians. Nevertheless, Rome contributed structural ideas such as checks and balances and separation of powers, which later influenced modern democratic systems. -/- The Middle Ages: Feudal Constraints and Proto-Parliaments -/- During the medieval period, Europe was dominated by feudal monarchies where power was concentrated in the hands of kings and nobles. Yet, seeds of representative governance continued to grow. Early parliamentary bodies, such as the Icelandic Althing (930 CE) and the English Parliament (13th century), emerged as forums for aristocratic or clerical consultation rather than broad citizen participation. While not democratic in the modern sense, these institutions preserved the concept of consultation and law-making through assemblies. -/- Enlightenment and the Rise of Modern Democracy -/- The 17th and 18th centuries saw a transformation in political thought through the influence of Enlightenment philosophers like John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Montesquieu. These thinkers argued for popular sovereignty, natural rights, and constitutional governance, which directly challenged monarchic rule. These ideas inspired revolutionary movements and laid the intellectual groundwork for democratic elections. -/- Democratic Foundations: United States and France -/- The American Revolution (1776) marked the beginning of modern representative democracy. The U.S. Constitution (1787) established a system where power was divided between three branches of government and where citizens could vote for their representatives. Initially, suffrage was limited to white male property owners, but the principle of governance by the people was firmly established. -/- Inspired by the American example, the French Revolution (1789) proclaimed universal male suffrage—though temporarily—and asserted the democratic ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen became a foundational document for human rights and democratic participation. -/- Expanding the Electorate: 19th Century Reforms -/- Throughout the 19th century, democratic elections expanded across Europe and the Americas. Reform acts in countries like the United Kingdom widened the right to vote, though still gradually. The century also saw the rise of women’s suffrage movements, with New Zealand becoming the first country to grant women the right to vote in 1893. Elections became more structured, with the establishment of political parties and parliamentary systems. -/- 20th Century: Globalization of Democracy -/- The 20th century was characterized by the global spread of democratic elections. After the two World Wars, colonial empires dissolved, and newly independent nations adopted democratic constitutions. The United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) declared the right to participate in government through free elections as a universal human right. -/- Over time, most countries adopted universal suffrage, allowing all adult citizens, regardless of gender, race, or class, to vote. However, not all democracies were liberal; many regimes held elections without guaranteeing true political freedoms, giving rise to hybrid or illiberal democracies. -/- 21st Century: Digital Democracy and New Challenges -/- Today, democratic elections are nearly universal in form, though not always in substance. The 21st century has brought both opportunities and challenges. On one hand, technology has enabled digital participation, online voting, and global political awareness. On the other hand, it has also introduced new threats like misinformation, election hacking, and erosion of trust in institutions. -/- Despite these challenges, elections remain a vital mechanism for peaceful power transfer and civic engagement. Democratic systems continue to evolve, adapting to changing social, technological, and political conditions. -/- Conclusion -/- From the direct democracy of ancient Athens to the representative systems of the modern world, the history of democratic elections is a testament to humanity’s ongoing struggle for fairness, equality, and self-governance. Though the journey has been uneven—with exclusions, setbacks, and evolving practices—democracy continues to adapt and expand. Understanding this history not only highlights how far we’ve come but also reminds us of the vigilance required to preserve and improve democratic institutions for future generations. -/- . (shrink)

We offer an overview of both the empirical literature on food waste and philosophical work on the concept of waste. We use this background to argue that an overemphasis on the reduction of individual food waste is misleading at best, and pernicious at worst, in combatting the substantial problems that global food waste creates. Rather, we argue that civic engagement and political activism aimed at institutional reform will be essential in addressing these problems.

Amidst the ongoing turmoil in the Middle East and the reshaping of political systems in the region, the Iranian people remain mired in difficulties on their path to democratization. Much of this can be blamed on the gradual decline in activity within Iranian civil society and the stagnation of political imagination. If Iran is to have a future built on the solid foundation of a viable and legitimate political authority, Iranian civic actors must reimagine and revisit the notion of (...) constitution-making through sustained dissent and deliberation. Hannah Arendt's ideas are extremely helpful in this regard. The main purpose of this essay will be to explore how some of her most useful concepts may be applicable in the Iranian context. Briefly tracing the history of Iran since the Islamic Revolution, the paper then turns to a deeper examination of Arendt’s ideas to determine how they can foster resistance, civic engagement and eventual legitimate authority. The focus in the end will be on what Iranians can do to begin anew, to build foundations for the future, and to tell themselves a new story about their identity. (shrink)

This chapter reviews empirical evidence bearing on the design of online forums for deliberative civic engagement. Dimensions of design are defined for different aspects of the deliberation: its purpose, the target population, the spatiotemporal distance separating participants, the communication medium, and the deliberative process to be followed. After a brief overview of criteria for evaluating different design options, empirical findings are organized around design choices. Research has evolved away from treating technology for online deliberation dichotomously (either present or (...) not) toward nuanced findings that differentiate between technological features, ways of using them, and cultural settings. The effectiveness of online deliberation depends on how well the communicative environment is matched to the deliberative task. Tradeoffs, e.g. between rich and lean media and between anonymous and identifiable participation, suggest different designs depending on the purpose and participants. Findings are limited by existing technologies, and may change as technologies and users co-evolve. (shrink)

Contemporary philosophical thought, heir to post-structuralist critiques and the so-called postmodern condition, finds itself at a critical crossroads. On one hand, it has achieved a necessary deconstruction of totalizing meta-narratives and epistemological dogmatisms. On the other, this very enterprise has led to a significant fragmentation of knowledge, a sophisticated relativism that threatens to dissolve philosophy's capacity to offer normative guidance, and a proliferation of hermetic jargon that isolates it from public discourse. This article provides a critical diagnosis of three central (...) trends in contemporary thought: 1) hyper-specialization and disciplinary solipsism; 2) the aestheticization of nihilism and the renunciation of truth as a regulative ideal; and 3) the disconnection between theoretical production and the urgent ethical-political dilemmas of global society. As a counter-proposal, it articulates a recommendation for the teaching and dissemination of philosophy based on an "integrative philosophical praxis." This praxis is founded on three pillars: a) an epistemology of complexity that fosters transdisciplinary dialogue; b) a historical-critical pedagogy that reconnects contemporary ideas with tradition to assess their relevance; and c) a renewed commitment to conceptual clarity and civic engagement. The objective is to revitalize philosophy as a potent tool for understanding and transforming the world, without sacrificing the critical rigor achieved in recent decades. (shrink)

The Role of Power Transitions in Government Collapse: Historical Lessons and Solutions -/- Throughout history, the transition of power has been a defining factor in the stability or collapse of governments. When power is transferred smoothly, institutions remain strong, and societies continue to function. However, when transitions are mismanaged, contested, or poorly structured, they often lead to political instability, civil wars, or the complete breakdown of government structures. This essay explores the importance of power transitions in maintaining political stability by (...) examining historical examples where such transitions led to the collapse of governments. Additionally, it proposes solutions to prevent such collapses in the future. -/- The Critical Nature of Power Transitions -/- The process of transferring power is one of the most vulnerable moments for any political system. Several factors determine whether a transition is successful or leads to instability: -/- 1. Legitimacy of Succession – If the public and political elites accept the process of succession, transitions occur peacefully. However, when legitimacy is questioned, power struggles emerge. -/- 2. Institutional Strength – Strong political institutions ensure smooth power transitions, while weak institutions make governments dependent on individual rulers. -/- 3. Elite Consensus – When ruling elites agree on a transition, it is more likely to be peaceful. Divisions among elites can result in coups or civil wars. -/- 4. Public Support and Social Stability – If the population supports the transition, the government remains stable. Mass protests or revolts can destabilize regimes. -/- 5. Military and Security Forces’ Role – A neutral or loyal military ensures a peaceful transition, but if the military intervenes, coups or armed conflicts may occur. -/- 6. Economic Conditions – Economic crises can accelerate government collapse during power transitions by weakening public trust. -/- 7. External Influences – Foreign intervention, diplomatic pressure, or economic sanctions can shape whether a transition succeeds or leads to chaos. -/- Historical Examples of Power Transitions Leading to Collapse -/- 1. The Fall of the Roman Republic (1st Century BCE) -/- The assassination of Julius Caesar in 44 BCE triggered a power vacuum and civil war. The Republic collapsed as Augustus (Octavian) seized power and established the Roman Empire. The failure to create a smooth transition from the Republic to an alternative stable government structure led to one-man rule. -/- 2. The French Revolution (1789-1799) -/- The monarchy collapsed due to economic crises and public discontent. The power vacuum led to the Reign of Terror and multiple regime changes before Napoleon took control. The lack of a stable transition plan from monarchy to democracy resulted in violent political struggles. -/- 3. The Russian Revolution (1917) -/- Czar Nicholas II abdicated amid economic and military crises. The weak Provisional Government was overthrown by the Bolsheviks, leading to decades of political purges. The failure to establish a strong democratic system allowed radical elements to seize power. -/- 4. The Weimar Republic and Hitler’s Rise (1933) -/- Germany’s economic crisis and political instability enabled Adolf Hitler to rise to power legally, leading to the collapse of democracy and the Nazi dictatorship. The failure of democratic institutions to resist authoritarian takeovers contributed to this transition failure. -/- 5. The Iranian Revolution (1979) -/- The Shah of Iran lost legitimacy due to repression and economic struggles. His departure created a power vacuum, allowing the Islamic Revolution to establish a theocratic regime. The lack of a democratic transition framework led to a total political shift. -/- 6. The Collapse of the Soviet Union (1991) -/- Mikhail Gorbachev’s reforms weakened the centralized government, leading to nationalist movements and economic collapse, resulting in the dissolution of the USSR. The sudden transition from communism to multiple independent states was mismanaged, leading to political chaos. -/- 7. The Arab Spring (2010-2012) -/- Mass protests led to the overthrow of governments in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen. However, weak institutions and power vacuums resulted in ongoing instability and civil wars. The absence of structured political succession made these transitions chaotic. -/- 8. The Fall of the Afghan Government (2021) -/- The withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan in 2021 led to the rapid collapse of the Afghan government, allowing the Taliban to take power without resistance. The lack of a well-planned transition left a power vacuum that extremist groups exploited. -/- Solutions for Preventing Government Collapse During Power Transitions -/- 1. Establishing Strong Political Institutions -/- Governments should build independent institutions that can function regardless of leadership changes. -/- A clear legal framework for succession should be established, ensuring stability. -/- Example: United States Presidential Transition – Despite political disagreements, strong institutions ensure smooth transitions of power every four years. -/- 2. Promoting a Culture of Democratic Succession -/- Political education should emphasize peaceful transitions of power. -/- Leaders should prepare successors and ensure a stable transition process. -/- Example: South Africa’s Transition from Apartheid (1994) – Nelson Mandela ensured a peaceful transfer of power through negotiations, preventing civil war. -/- 3. Ensuring Economic Stability -/- Economic policies should focus on long-term growth and stability to prevent crises that weaken governments. -/- Governments should maintain financial reserves to manage economic downturns during transitions. -/- Example: China’s Economic Reforms (1978-Present) – Transition from Maoist policies to a market economy was gradual, preventing instability. -/- 4. Strengthening Public Trust in Government -/- Transparency and accountability should be prioritized to gain public confidence. -/- Civic engagement and public participation in governance should be encouraged. -/- Example: Post-World War II Japan – Japan rebuilt trust in democratic institutions, leading to long-term political stability. -/- 5. Avoiding Military Interventions in Politics -/- The military should remain neutral in political transitions and serve as a stabilizing force, not a political actor. -/- Civilian oversight of the military should be strengthened to prevent coups. -/- Example: Turkey’s Democratic Reforms – Despite past military coups, recent reforms have reduced military interference in politics. -/- 6. International Mediation and Support -/- International organizations (e.g., the UN) should assist in ensuring peaceful transitions in unstable regions. -/- Diplomatic pressure can prevent violent takeovers and encourage legitimate transitions. -/- Example: East Timor’s Independence (2002) – The UN helped facilitate a peaceful transition to democracy after Indonesian rule. -/- 7. Managing Internal and External Political Conflicts -/- Governments should ensure national unity by addressing ethnic and political divisions. -/- Foreign influence should be managed to prevent external powers from exploiting transitions. -/- Example: Rwanda’s Post-Genocide Rebuilding – After the 1994 genocide, Rwanda implemented reconciliation policies to prevent future power struggles. -/- Conclusion -/- The transition of power is one of the most critical and dangerous moments for any government. If managed well, it can lead to stable governance and progress. However, when transitions are mismanaged, contested, or forced, they can result in political collapse, violence, and societal breakdown. -/- The historical examples discussed demonstrate the importance of legitimacy, institutional strength, elite consensus, public support, and military neutrality in ensuring successful power transitions. By implementing solutions such as strong institutions, economic stability, democratic culture, and international mediation, governments can prevent collapse and ensure smooth transitions of power. -/- The fate of nations often depends not only on who rules, but on how power is transferred from one leader or system to the next. Learning from history and implementing practical solutions can help safeguard governments from the chaos of failed transitions. -/- . (shrink)

Why Very Few Filipinos Are Interested in a Political Career and the Debate on Political Dynasties -/- Politics in the Philippines is a critical force in shaping the nation’s future. However, few Filipinos actively pursue a political career due to political dynasties, corruption, financial barriers, security risks, and public distrust in government. Additionally, many Filipinos engage in passive criticism—they are quick to complain about bad governance but reluctant to participate in political change. -/- While political dynasties are often blamed for (...) limiting opportunities, some argue they bring stability and governance experience that newcomers lack. Given these challenges, meaningful reforms are necessary to make politics more inclusive, transparent, and accessible to competent and ethical leaders. -/- Reasons Why Few Filipinos Enter Politics -/- 1. Political Dynasties Limit Opportunities for New Leaders -/- Political families monopolize power, making it hard for new candidates to enter the political arena. With dynasties controlling campaign funding, voter influence, and government positions, independent candidates face unfair competition. -/- 2. Filipinos Are Trapped in a “Criticism Mentality” but Avoid Action -/- Many Filipinos frequently criticize politicians on social media but do not: -/- Vote wisely -/- Participate in governance initiatives -/- Consider running for office -/- This passive yet highly critical audience mentality discourages new leaders from emerging, leaving traditional political families unchallenged. -/- 3. Corruption and Patronage Politics Discourage Honest Candidates -/- Many competent individuals avoid politics because they fear they will be forced to engage in corrupt practices or become powerless against established political elites. -/- 4. High Cost of Running for Office -/- Elections in the Philippines require millions of pesos in campaign funds. Political dynasties have vast financial resources, while new candidates struggle to afford advertisements, rallies, and logistics. -/- 5. Work-Life Balance and Security Risks -/- Political careers demand long hours, constant public scrutiny, and expose candidates to political violence and assassination risks. This discourages potential leaders from entering politics. -/- 6. Lack of Trust in Government -/- Many Filipinos believe the system is rigged and that no real change can happen. This disillusionment prevents capable individuals from seeking public office. -/- 7. Bureaucracy and Slow Reforms -/- Even well-intentioned politicians struggle with red tape, partisan gridlock, and resistance from political elites. This slow pace of change discourages new leaders. -/- 8. Fear of Failure and Political Rivalries -/- Losing an election can be financially and socially devastating. Additionally, political rivalries often result in: -/- Character assassinations -/- Legal harassment -/- Physical threats or violence -/- This hostile environment discourages many Filipinos from pursuing politics. -/- The Debate on Political Dynasties: Should They Stay or Go? -/- Why Political Dynasties Should Stay -/- Some argue that political dynasties provide stability and experience, especially because: -/- 1. Governance Knowledge – Long-standing political families understand government operations better than inexperienced newcomers. -/- 2. Continuity in Leadership – Dynasties ensure long-term projects and reforms are completed rather than abandoned after elections. -/- 3. Strong Political Networks – Established families have the connections to efficiently implement policies. -/- 4. Newcomers Are a Risk – Some first-time politicians struggle with decision-making, leading to ineffective governance. -/- Why Political Dynasties Should Be Limited -/- Critics argue that dynasties create an unfair monopoly and prevent new leadership from emerging. -/- 1. Lack of Political Competition – Dynasties dominate elections, leaving little room for independent candidates. -/- 2. Corruption and Self-Interest – Many dynastic politicians prioritize family wealth and power over public service. -/- 3. Poor Performance Goes Unpunished – Many voters elect familiar names instead of choosing the most qualified leaders. -/- 4. Public Disillusionment – When the same families hold power for decades, people feel elections are meaningless. -/- Possible Reforms to Make Politics More Inclusive -/- To encourage competent and ethical leaders to enter politics, the following reforms can be implemented: -/- 1. Implement a Balanced Anti-Dynasty Law -/- Instead of banning dynasties outright, a reasonable anti-dynasty law can be implemented to: -/- Limit how many family members can hold office at the same time. -/- Prevent immediate re-election of relatives in the same position. -/- Ensure fair election funding to give independent candidates a fighting chance. -/- This would help promote merit-based governance while maintaining stability. -/- 2. Publicly Funded Campaigns for Independent Candidates -/- To level the playing field, the government should: -/- Subsidize campaign expenses for qualified independent candidates. -/- Limit private donations to reduce dynastic control over elections. -/- Enforce transparency in campaign financing to prevent corruption. -/- 3. Establish Political Education and Leadership Training -/- Many Filipinos lack political awareness. Schools and universities should: -/- Include political education in the curriculum. -/- Offer leadership training for aspiring politicians. -/- Provide internship programs in government offices. -/- This will help develop a new generation of well-educated and competent leaders. -/- 4. Strengthen Anti-Corruption Laws and Government Transparency -/- To restore public trust, reforms should: -/- Enforce real-time transparency in government spending. -/- Strengthen whistleblower protection to expose corruption. -/- Require full public disclosure of assets for all government officials. -/- 5. Improve Security for Political Candidates -/- To reduce election-related violence, the government should: -/- Provide police protection for independent candidates. -/- Enforce stricter penalties for political violence. -/- Monitor private armies linked to political families. -/- This would create a safer environment for new candidates. -/- 6. Encourage Youth Participation in Governance -/- The government should: -/- Lower the age requirement for some government positions. -/- Establish youth representation in decision-making councils. -/- Offer mentorship programs between experienced leaders and young aspirants. -/- By engaging the youth in governance early, we create future leaders who are prepared for public service. -/- 7. Promote Politics as Public Service, Not Power -/- To shift the perception of politics from a business empire to a duty to serve, the media and educational institutions should: -/- Highlight stories of ethical and effective politicians. -/- Emphasize leadership based on qualifications, not family names. -/- Encourage civic engagement through volunteerism and grassroots participation. -/- 8. Digital Voting and Electoral Reforms -/- To prevent vote-buying and election fraud, the government should: -/- Implement secure digital voting to make elections more accessible and transparent. -/- Strengthen voter education campaigns to promote informed decision-making. -/- Crack down on vote-buying syndicates through stricter penalties. -/- Conclusion -/- Few Filipinos enter politics due to political dynasties, corruption, financial barriers, security risks, and lack of trust in government. Many Filipinos also have a passive criticism mentality, where they complain about politicians but refuse to take action. -/- While some argue that political dynasties bring governance experience and stability, others believe they prevent competition and encourage corruption. The best approach is to introduce balanced reforms that limit dynasty control while allowing experienced politicians to serve effectively. -/- By implementing anti-dynasty laws, campaign finance reforms, political education, and anti-corruption measures, the Philippines can open its political system to fresh, capable, and ethical leaders. -/- If these reforms are enacted, more Filipinos will step up to lead, creating a government that truly represents the people. -/- . (shrink)

Abstract -/- Population quality—the collective literacy, critical thinking, professional competence, moral reasoning, and civic engagement of a nation—is the single most important determinant of long-term societal success. Low-quality populations are produced not by inherent deficits, but by systemic failures in governance, education, family structures, and cultural norms. -/- This manuscript applies Angelito Malicse’s Four Universal Laws—System Integrity, Balance in Nature, Feedback Loop Mechanism, and Interconnected Nodes—to a systems-theory framework, supported by mathematical modeling, simulations, and global case studies. The (...) analysis demonstrates how nodes interact, how defects propagate, and how holistic interventions can restore population quality over generations. -/- . (shrink)

This book was compiled in order to connect the dots between past and present expressions of significant phenomena in media and culture. It attempts to provide a “big picture” perspective on how contemporary relevant manifestations of the entertainment industry, artistic expression, mediated civic engagement, technological infrastructure, or automated information control evolved from subversive surroundings, niche markets, and underestimated potentials to shaping forces in today's society. This book can be seen as both, a celebration of past and present achievements (...) of creative expression, artistic articulation, cultural contributions, and mediated movements for the sake of liberalization and democracy, and a warning against a “cultural revolution” defined by censorship, suppression of pluralist opinions, unnatural conformity in science and journalism, and the distinction between “fake news” and “fact” handled by artificial intelligence or part-time fact checkers. (shrink)

-/- Title: The Psychological Foundations of Political Attachment and Strategies for Countering Mass Brainwashing Author: Angelito Malicse -/- Abstract: This paper explores the psychological and neurological mechanisms underlying the intense emotional attachment individuals form toward political figures, often without personal interaction. It examines how such attachments can be manipulated to facilitate mass brainwashing, resulting in cognitive rigidity, social polarization, and the erosion of democratic values. The paper proposes a multi-faceted strategy to counter these effects through foundational educational reform, media literacy, (...) civic awareness, and institutional safeguards, all rooted in a scientific understanding of human behavior and natural law. -/- 1. Introduction -/- In democratic and authoritarian societies alike, the deep emotional connection between political supporters and their chosen leaders has increasingly influenced national discourse and governance. These attachments frequently transcend rational evaluation and persist despite evidence of incompetence, corruption, or ethical breaches. This phenomenon, while often attributed to blind loyalty or ignorance, has scientifically identifiable roots in evolutionary psychology, neuroscience, and cognitive theory. Understanding these mechanisms is essential for developing effective strategies to counter mass manipulation and preserve rational public discourse. -/- 2. Psychological Mechanisms of Political Attachment -/- 2.1 Tribalism and Social Identity Theory 2.2 Human beings evolved in cooperative tribal units where group cohesion was essential for survival. This evolutionary trait persists in the form of social identity, wherein individuals derive self-esteem and belonging from affiliations with larger collectives—such as political parties or ideologies. As posited by Social Identity Theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), individuals often perceive their political group as superior, viewing political opposition as a threat to their personal and collective identity. -/- 2.3 Parasocial Relationships and Emotional Bonding 2.4 Through repeated media exposure, supporters often develop parasocial relationships with political figures—one-sided emotional bonds that mimic genuine interpersonal relationships. These relationships are reinforced by charismatic communication, personal storytelling, and the strategic use of shared values or backgrounds (Horton & Wohl, 1956). -/- 2.3 Limbic System Activation and Emotional Conditioning -/- Emotional stimuli such as fear, anger, pride, or hope activate the limbic system, particularly the amygdala, which plays a central role in emotional processing and memory formation (LeDoux, 1996). Political rhetoric is frequently designed to elicit these reactions, bypassing rational evaluation and appealing directly to emotional instincts. -/- 2.5 Cognitive Dissonance and Motivated Reasoning 2.6 Once an emotional attachment is established, individuals are less likely to accept information that challenges their beliefs about a political figure. This phenomenon, known as cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957), produces psychological discomfort when new evidence contradicts existing attitudes. To alleviate this discomfort, individuals engage in motivated reasoning (Kunda, 1990), selectively interpreting or dismissing information to preserve their beliefs. -/- 2.5 Neurological Reward Systems and Habit Formation -/- Political activity, such as attending rallies, defending a leader online, or participating in collective actions, often results in dopamine release—the brain’s reward signal. These neurological rewards reinforce behaviors and create psychological dependence on political engagement (Schultz, 1998). -/- 3. The Dynamics and Consequences of Mass Brainwashing -/- When the above psychological processes are deliberately exploited—through propaganda, disinformation, algorithmic manipulation, or emotionally charged messaging—they culminate in what can be termed mass brainwashing. The dangers include: -/- Social polarization, fostering hostility between groups. -/- Suppression of critical thinking, as individuals adhere to emotionally comforting but factually erroneous beliefs. -/- Democratic erosion, where public accountability is diminished. -/- Systemic dysfunction, as governance becomes rooted in loyalty rather than performance. -/- 4. Counteracting Mass Brainwashing: A Scientific and Educational Approach -/- 4.1 Foundational Educational Reform 4.2 The most effective defense against manipulation lies in basic educational reform that incorporates: -/- Critical thinking and logic -/- Media and information literacy -/- Emotional intelligence and self-regulation -/- Ethics and philosophy -/- This approach aligns with the universal law of balance in nature, which asserts that sustainable decisions arise from harmony between internal cognition and external reality. -/- 4.3 Self-Awareness and Psychological Insight 4.4 Individuals must be taught to recognize their own emotional and cognitive biases through self-reflection, mindfulness, and meta-cognition. These skills empower them to remain vigilant against manipulation. -/- 4.3 Civic Literacy and Responsible Citizenship -/- A well-informed citizenry that understands governance structures, democratic processes, and accountability mechanisms is better equipped to evaluate political figures based on evidence and ethics, not emotional loyalty. -/- 4.5 Transparent Media and Ethical Technology Regulation 4.6 Social media platforms and news outlets must be held accountable to uphold truthfulness, algorithmic transparency, and public responsibility, ensuring that emotional manipulation is minimized. -/- 4.5 Institutional Integrity and Independent Oversight -/- To preserve public trust, institutions must function autonomously and ethically, shielded from political influence and equipped with scientific frameworks to monitor and counter disinformation campaigns. -/- 5. Conclusion -/- The emotional attachment of citizens to political figures they have never met is a scientifically explainable phenomenon rooted in tribal instincts, emotional conditioning, cognitive bias, and neurological reward systems. While natural, these mechanisms are vulnerable to exploitation through organized mass brainwashing. The consequences—social division, diminished reason, and weakened democratic structures—necessitate a coordinated response. Through holistic education and ethical institution-building, grounded in a scientific understanding of natural laws, society can be safeguarded from emotional manipulation and restored to balanced, rational civic engagement. -/- References -/- Festinger, L. (1957). A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. Stanford University Press. -/- Horton, D., & Wohl, R. R. (1956). Mass communication and para-social interaction: Observations on intimacy at a distance. Psychiatry, 19(3), -/- Kunda, Z. (1990). The case for motivated reasoning. Psychological Bulletin, 108(3) -/- LeDoux, J. E. (1996). The Emotional Brain: The Mysterious Underpinnings of Emotional Life. Simon & Schuster. -/- Schultz, W. (1998). Predictive reward signal of dopamine neurons. Journal of Neurophysiology, 80(1) -/- Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations (pp. 33–47). Brooks/Cole. -/- . (shrink)

The article presents a comprehensive theoretical and empirical analysis of the value orientations of Ukrainian students as a factor in shaping their worldview in the context of globalization, economic instability and social transformations. The methodological basis of the study is a theoretical synthesis of the relevant literature, analysis of sociological data and the results of a pilot empirical survey conducted among students at the State Biotechnological University during 2022–2024. The results indicate the dominance of pragmatic values, a focus on material (...) well-being and career success, while simultaneously maintaining the importance of moral and ethical orientations such as responsibility, empathy and self-realization. It is emphasized that the digital environment and the use of the latest educational technologies, including generative artificial intelligence, enhance both pragmatic trends in the formation of values and the demand for critical thinking, adaptability and moral self-reflection among students. The study reveals a transformation in attitudes towards family values, leisure activities, and civic engagement: students are increasingly inclined towards autonomy and individualism, while also demonstrating a growing interest in volunteering and supporting socially significant initiatives. Particular attention is paid to the importance of humanitarian education as a factor in the development of ethical consciousness, critical reflection and the ability to integrate individual aspirations with the needs of society in the context of the challenges of the 21st century. The educational environment is considered as a space for the formation of value-based autonomy and moral reflection through axiologically oriented educational practices. The necessity of integrating ethical education and critical thinking into the educational process in order to harmonize the value system of young people is substantiated. Prospects for further research are related to the development of mechanisms for maintaining a balance between individual self-development and civic engagement of students. (shrink)

This research aimed to develop a social studies instructional model integrating community-based learning (CBL) and project-based learning (PBL) to foster disciplined behavior and learning responsibility among primary school students in small-sized institutions. A one-group pretestposttest experimental design was employed with Grade 5 students and one teacher from Ban Koh Nok School. Research instruments included a demographic questionnaire, instructional model evaluation form, and satisfaction survey, validated through the Index of Item-Objective Congruence (IOC). Data analysis used descriptive statistics (mean, standard deviation).Findings revealed (...) five learning management strategies developed and evaluated as highly appropriate by experts. Both teachers and students expressed high satisfaction, and the model effectively promoted disciplined behavior and learning responsibility. The study suggests that integrating CBL and PBL provides a meaningful, community-responsive approach that strengthens academic skills, civic engagement, and personal accountability. However, the study’s limitation lies in its small sample size and single-site implementation, restricting the generalizability of the findings. Future research should explore the long-term impacts of the CBL-PBL integrated model on student behavior and academic outcomes across diverse educational contexts and larger sample groups. Additionally, there is a need to develop and validate assessment tools specifically designed to measure behavioral growth and socialemotional learning within CBL-PBL frameworks, as well as investigate the integration of digital technologies to enhance project sustainability and student engagement. (shrink)

Preventing Election Manipulation: Safeguards Against Propaganda and Hidden Motives -/- Elections are the foundation of democratic governance, ensuring that leadership reflects the will of the people. However, history has repeatedly shown that candidates can win by manipulating public perception through propaganda, misinformation, and by hiding their true motives. While such elections may be technically valid, they often lack ethical legitimacy, leading to governance that does not truly serve the public interest. To prevent election manipulation, societies must implement strong safeguards, including (...) media literacy education, independent journalism, strict election laws, social media regulation, political funding transparency, civic engagement, and whistleblower protections. By examining real-world examples from different countries, we can better understand how these measures strengthen democracy and protect the integrity of elections. -/- The Role of Media Literacy and Critical Thinking -/- One of the most effective ways to counter propaganda and manipulation is through media literacy education. When voters are equipped with the ability to critically analyze information, they are less likely to fall for deceptive political messaging. -/- Finland has integrated media literacy into its school curriculum, teaching students how to recognize misinformation, propaganda, and biased narratives. As a result, Finland ranks among the most resistant countries to fake news, demonstrating that an informed population is less susceptible to manipulation. -/- In Sweden, government agencies actively work with media organizations to educate citizens about misinformation, especially during election periods. -/- Estonia has taken a technological approach by incorporating digital literacy programs to help citizens distinguish between real and fake online content. -/- By investing in education that enhances critical thinking, societies can create an electorate that makes decisions based on truth rather than deception. -/- The Importance of Independent and Transparent Media -/- A free and independent press is crucial in exposing political deception and ensuring that voters have access to accurate information. Without independent journalism, political leaders can control narratives, suppress inconvenient truths, and mislead the public. -/- In the United States, investigative journalism has played a key role in exposing political corruption. The Watergate scandal, uncovered by journalists Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, led to the resignation of President Richard Nixon, demonstrating how the media can hold leaders accountable. -/- In South Korea, independent journalism was instrumental in exposing the corruption scandal involving former President Park Geun-hye, leading to mass protests and her eventual impeachment in 2017. -/- In India, independent news outlets like The Wire and Scroll continue to challenge misinformation and expose political propaganda, despite facing government pressure. -/- A strong and fearless media ensures that no political leader can manipulate elections without public scrutiny. -/- Strict Election Laws and Fact-Checking Institutions -/- Election laws must regulate campaign messaging, penalize misinformation, and promote transparency. Without strict regulations, candidates can use false narratives to mislead voters. -/- France bans political advertising on TV and radio in the months leading up to elections to prevent mass media manipulation. -/- Germany has strict laws against spreading false information that could influence election outcomes, including heavy fines for politicians or parties caught disseminating fake news. -/- South Africa has established the Electoral Commission, which monitors campaign activities and ensures fair political competition. -/- Additionally, independent fact-checking institutions play a vital role in verifying politicians’ claims. Organizations like PolitiFact in the U.S., Full Fact in the UK, and Africa Check in South Africa actively investigate political statements, providing voters with verified information. -/- Regulating Social Media to Prevent Manipulation -/- Social media has become a powerful tool for both legitimate political campaigns and misinformation. Without regulation, candidates can spread propaganda unchecked, influencing voter perceptions. -/- During Brazil’s elections, misinformation was widely spread through WhatsApp, influencing voter opinions. In response, WhatsApp limited the ability to forward mass messages to curb the spread of fake news. -/- The European Union has implemented strict digital regulations, requiring social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter to label political ads and remove false information that could influence elections. -/- In Indonesia, the government collaborates with technology companies to identify and remove fake news before it spreads during elections. -/- By regulating online political content and holding social media platforms accountable, governments can prevent digital platforms from becoming tools for manipulation. -/- Ensuring Transparency in Political Funding -/- When campaign financing is not transparent, wealthy donors, corporations, or even foreign entities can secretly influence elections to serve their own interests. Transparent funding laws ensure that voters know who is backing a candidate and why. -/- Canada enforces strict donation limits and public disclosure laws, preventing corporate and foreign influence in elections. -/- Mexico has implemented an independent electoral institute that monitors campaign financing to prevent corruption and ensure fair competition. -/- South Korea requires all political donations to be publicly disclosed, ensuring that funding sources are transparent. -/- When political funding is transparent, voters can assess whether a candidate is truly working for the public or for hidden interests. -/- Encouraging Civic Engagement and Public Debates -/- An engaged electorate is essential for a healthy democracy. Public debates allow candidates to present their policies while being questioned on their track records and potential contradictions. -/- Taiwan holds nationally televised public debates where candidates must defend their policies and respond to public concerns. -/- In Nigeria, civil society organizations organize town hall meetings where citizens can directly ask candidates about their plans and policies. -/- France requires presidential candidates to participate in at least one public debate before elections, ensuring that voters hear multiple perspectives. -/- By encouraging open discussion and debate, societies can reduce the effectiveness of propaganda and allow voters to make informed decisions. -/- Protecting Whistleblowers and Investigative Agencies -/- Corrupt and deceptive political campaigns can only be exposed if whistleblowers and investigative agencies are protected. When individuals feel safe to reveal political misconduct, democracy is strengthened. -/- Edward Snowden revealed mass government surveillance programs, sparking global discussions about privacy and state overreach. -/- In Ukraine, anti-corruption agencies and investigative journalists have exposed multiple cases of political fraud, leading to greater government transparency. -/- In Malaysia, whistleblower efforts exposed the 1MDB scandal, which involved billions of dollars in corruption at the highest levels of government, eventually leading to the prosecution of former Prime Minister Najib Razak. -/- Encouraging and protecting whistleblowers ensures that political leaders cannot hide their unethical actions from the public. -/- Conclusion -/- While manipulation, propaganda, and hidden motives remain threats to democracy, societies can take strong measures to prevent these tactics from determining election outcomes. By investing in media literacy, supporting independent journalism, enforcing strict election laws, regulating social media, ensuring financial transparency, encouraging civic engagement, and protecting whistleblowers, democracies can safeguard the integrity of elections. -/- Without these safeguards, democracy becomes vulnerable to manipulation, allowing candidates with hidden agendas to rise to power. However, countries that actively promote transparency, accountability, and critical thinking create an environment where deception is less effective. The fight against election manipulation is an ongoing challenge, but with the right policies and public awareness, fair elections can be preserved for future generations. -/- . (shrink)

Why Governments Become Corrupt: The Role of Power, Education, and Moral Values -/- Corruption is one of the most persistent problems in governance, affecting societies across different political and economic systems. It undermines democracy, weakens institutions, and diverts resources meant for public welfare into private hands. While corruption is often associated with greed and abuse of power, its roots go much deeper, extending to failures in the educational system and the erosion of family moral values. This essay explores the reasons (...) behind government corruption and how systemic failures in education and morality contribute to its persistence. -/- 1. Power Without Accountability -/- One of the primary reasons governments become corrupt is the unchecked power held by officials. When political leaders and bureaucrats operate without sufficient oversight, they are more likely to misuse public funds, manipulate policies, and engage in bribery or favoritism. In many countries, weak democratic institutions fail to impose consequences on corrupt individuals, allowing them to act with impunity. The absence of transparency in decision-making processes further enables corruption to thrive, as citizens are kept in the dark about how their governments operate. -/- 2. Weak Legal and Political Institutions -/- Corruption flourishes in environments where legal frameworks exist but are not enforced. Many countries have anti-corruption laws, yet enforcement is selective or non-existent. This failure is often due to political interference in the judiciary, where corrupt leaders appoint judges who will protect them from prosecution. Furthermore, when law enforcement agencies themselves are corrupt, they fail to investigate and punish those in power. This creates a vicious cycle where corruption becomes the norm rather than the exception. -/- 3. The Role of Greed and Self-Interest -/- Human nature, particularly the pursuit of wealth and status, plays a significant role in government corruption. Many officials prioritize their personal and political interests over the welfare of the people they serve. Bribery, embezzlement, and fraud become tempting options for those seeking to enrich themselves at the expense of society. Additionally, political patronage—where politicians use their power to reward loyal supporters with government positions or contracts—further entrenches corruption. -/- 4. The Failure of the Educational System -/- One of the overlooked causes of corruption is the failure of the educational system to instill ethical values and critical thinking. Education is supposed to shape responsible citizens, but in many countries, the system is focused on rote learning rather than teaching morality, civic responsibility, and ethical leadership. Schools and universities often do not provide students with the tools to question authority, recognize corruption, or demand transparency from their leaders. -/- Moreover, when the education system itself is corrupt—through bribery in admissions, fake diplomas, or unqualified teachers—it sets a dangerous precedent. Students grow up believing that success can be achieved through dishonest means, reinforcing the idea that corruption is an acceptable part of life. Without a strong moral foundation in education, future generations are more likely to participate in or tolerate corrupt practices. -/- 5. The Decline of Family Moral Values -/- Family plays a crucial role in shaping an individual’s ethical beliefs and behaviors. However, in many societies, traditional moral values that emphasize honesty, integrity, and accountability are declining. Parents, preoccupied with economic survival, may fail to teach their children the importance of moral principles. In some cases, families themselves engage in corrupt behaviors—such as paying bribes to secure jobs or influencing government officials for personal gain—sending the message that corruption is a necessary survival strategy. -/- Religious and cultural institutions, which once played a significant role in promoting ethical behavior, have also lost influence in many societies. As materialism and individualism grow stronger, the collective responsibility for upholding moral values weakens. When individuals lack strong moral guidance from their families and communities, they are more likely to justify corrupt actions when they gain positions of power. -/- 6. Economic Pressures and Low Salaries -/- Economic hardship can also drive corruption, especially in developing nations where government employees are underpaid. When officials struggle to meet their basic needs, they may resort to accepting bribes, embezzling funds, or engaging in illicit activities to supplement their income. In such environments, corruption becomes a survival mechanism rather than just a moral failure. -/- 7. Corporate Influence and Political Lobbying -/- The influence of powerful corporations over government policies is another major driver of corruption. Large businesses often fund political campaigns, expecting favorable policies in return. This results in leaders prioritizing corporate interests over public welfare. When governments are captured by private interests, policies that should benefit the majority are distorted to serve a wealthy elite. -/- 8. The Lack of Civic Engagement and Public Awareness -/- When citizens do not actively participate in governance or demand accountability, corrupt leaders face little resistance. A disengaged population allows corruption to thrive because there is no pressure for change. In many cases, people feel powerless or fear retaliation for speaking out against corrupt officials. Strengthening civic awareness through education, media, and public activism is essential in the fight against corruption. -/- Solutions: Restoring Integrity Through Education and Morality -/- To combat corruption effectively, reforms must address not only political and legal structures but also educational and moral foundations: -/- Strengthening the Educational System: Schools must incorporate ethics, civic responsibility, and critical thinking into their curriculum. Teachers should emphasize honesty and accountability, ensuring that students understand the long-term consequences of corruption. -/- Rebuilding Family Moral Values: Families must take a more active role in teaching children about integrity and social responsibility. Parents should set examples by refusing to participate in corrupt practices. -/- Enforcing Strong Anti-Corruption Laws: Governments must ensure that laws against corruption are applied equally, regardless of political or economic status. Independent judicial bodies should oversee investigations and prosecutions. -/- Improving Transparency in Governance: Public access to government transactions and decision-making processes must be expanded to reduce opportunities for corruption. Digital tools, such as open data platforms, can help track government spending and prevent misuse of funds. -/- Encouraging Citizen Participation: People must be empowered to hold their leaders accountable. This includes supporting investigative journalism, encouraging whistleblowers, and engaging in peaceful protests or advocacy movements. -/- Conclusion -/- Government corruption is a complex issue rooted in systemic failures, economic pressures, and ethical erosion. While power, greed, and weak institutions contribute to corruption, the failure of the educational system and the decline of moral values play an equally significant role. Addressing corruption requires a multi-faceted approach that not only strengthens laws and institutions but also reforms education and restores ethical foundations within families. Only through a collective effort to instill integrity at all levels of society can corruption be effectively minimized, paving the way for just and accountable governance. -/- . (shrink)

-/- Assessment of Mayor Vico Sotto -/- Using Angelito Malicse’s Universal Formula to Solve the Problem of Free Will -/- Overview -/- This assessment evaluates Mayor Vico Sotto’s leadership based on the principles of the Universal Formula—three natural laws designed to guide human decision-making in alignment with nature’s balance. Each law is rated on a scale from 1 to 10: -/- 10 = Fully aligned -/- 1 = Completely opposed -/- The final score is the average of all three laws. (...) -/- The Universal Laws -/- 1. Law of Karma (Cause and Effect within Systems) All systems must function without defects to achieve their intended goals. Leaders must design policies that eliminate systemic errors and ensure smooth operations. -/- 2. Law of Balance in Nature Leadership decisions must promote harmony, balancing social, economic, and environmental needs, avoiding extremes. -/- 3. Law of Feedback Mechanism Governance should be open to public input, ensuring that the feedback loop supports continuous improvement, transparency, and accountability. -/- Evaluation of Mayor Vico Sotto -/- 1. Law of Karma Mayor Vico Sotto has successfully broken away from traditional political practices. His focus on clean governance and reforms aims to improve the overall system of governance in Pasig City. His efforts reflect a commitment to eliminating systemic defects, earning him a score of 9. -/- 2. Law of Balance in Nature His leadership is inclusive, promoting social harmony through youth empowerment and responsible budgeting. He avoids political extremes, aiming for balance in all aspects of governance. This approach aligns well with the Universal Formula, scoring him a 9. -/- 3. Law of Feedback Mechanism Vico Sotto is known for his transparency and responsiveness to citizens’ feedback. He engages with the public and actively addresses their concerns. His openness to continuous improvement and feedback makes him highly aligned with this law, earning a perfect score of 10. -/- Final Score: 9.3 / 10 -/- Mayor Vico Sotto scores exceptionally high across all three universal laws. His leadership approach embodies the principles of integrity, balance, and openness. His commitment to clean governance, civic engagement, and reform positions him as a modern leader who leads in harmony with the natural laws, making him a model for effective and ethical governance. -/- . (shrink)

Title: An Analysis of the Flaws of Democratic Elections Through the Lens of the Universal Formula -/- Author: Angelito Malicse -/- Abstract: This paper critically examines the structural and functional flaws in democratic electoral systems by applying the principles of the Universal Formula, a framework grounded in the natural law of balance, systems theory, and the law of karma. While democracy remains a celebrated political ideal, its electoral processes are often prone to systemic imbalances and inefficiencies. This analysis highlights the (...) root causes of electoral failure, identifies how such flaws generate long-term societal imbalances, and proposes a framework for correction based on natural law and system integrity. -/- 1. Introduction Democracy, especially in its electoral form, is widely upheld as the ideal political system for ensuring freedom, representation, and governance by the people. However, despite its ideals, democratic elections are susceptible to various structural flaws that often lead to societal dysfunction. This paper analyzes these flaws using the Universal Formula, a model that interprets human decision-making and collective behavior through the lens of natural law, systems thinking, and karmic cause and effect. -/- 2. The Universal Formula: A Conceptual Foundation -/- 2.1. Law of Karma (Cause and Effect in Systems) Derived from both philosophical and systems theory traditions, the law of karma in this framework refers to the predictable consequences of inputs and processes within any system. If the inputs are flawed or the process defective, the outcomes will inevitably reflect those faults (Capra, 1996). -/- 2.2. Law of Feedback Mechanism All systems, particularly living and societal ones, must incorporate feedback loops to adapt and maintain equilibrium (Wiener, 1948). In elections, feedback should ideally correct errors and refine governance. However, when distorted or ignored, feedback becomes noise, not guidance. -/- 2.3. Law of Balance in Nature Natural systems achieve sustainability through balance. When democratic systems become imbalanced due to misinformation, economic disparity, or structural corruption, they generate instability (Lovins et al., 2007). -/- 3. Structural Flaws in Electoral Democracy -/- 3.1. Representation Deficits Despite universal suffrage, electoral democracy often marginalizes minority groups, discourages dissent, and centralizes power in elites. This contradicts the law of karma, where distorted inputs yield ineffective governance (Dahl, 2000). -/- 3.2. Electoral Corruption and Manipulation Vote buying, disinformation, and election rigging are not mere anomalies but symptoms of a defective system. These practices compromise system integrity and result in long-term dysfunction (Schedler, 2002). -/- 3.3. Misinformation and Media Bias The role of media in shaping public opinion has become increasingly manipulative. When media serves corporate or political interests, feedback loops are hijacked, leading to public decision-making based on distorted realities (Herman & Chomsky, 1988). -/- 4. Feedback Mechanism Failures -/- 4.1. Delayed or Ignored Electoral Responses Election cycles often fail to respond quickly to urgent issues. Moreover, the elected are frequently unaccountable until the next cycle. This lag disrupts feedback mechanisms essential for adaptive governance (Ackerman, 2004). -/- 4.2. Voter Disillusionment When the public perceives their participation as ineffectual, civic engagement declines. The system then operates in an echo chamber, disconnected from its constituents (Putnam, 2000). -/- 5. Societal Imbalances Caused by Flawed Elections -/- 5.1. Economic Inequality Policies influenced by elite interests exacerbate wealth gaps, reinforcing imbalances incompatible with sustainable development (Piketty, 2014). -/- 5.2. Psychological Polarization Partisan systems encourage identity-based division, creating internal psychological imbalances that extend into society. This violates the natural law of harmony (Sunstein, 2009). -/- 5.3. Environmental Neglect Short-term political incentives discourage long-term environmental thinking, violating nature’s equilibrium and furthering ecological degradation (Oreskes & Conway, 2010). -/- 6. Case Study: The Philippines -/- 6.1. Political Dynasties and Patronage Despite constitutional constraints, political dynasties dominate, illustrating systemic failure in ensuring representative governance. The cause-effect dynamic here reveals how entrenched power structures corrupt outcomes (Coronel, 2007). -/- 6.2. Voter Vulnerability and Misinformation Low education levels and economic hardship leave voters vulnerable to manipulation. Without informed decision-making, the electorate becomes a defective input, creating cycles of poor governance. -/- 6.3. Institutional Weakness Regulatory bodies lack independence and strength, making it difficult to uphold electoral integrity and correct imbalances. -/- 7. Path Toward Reform Based on the Universal Formula -/- 7.1. Foundational Education Reform Incorporating systems thinking and natural law into early education can build a generation of informed, critical thinkers capable of balancing societal forces (Meadows, 2008). -/- 7.2. Electoral System Redesign Accountability, transparency, and participatory mechanisms must be built into electoral processes to ensure continuous feedback and integrity. -/- 7.3. Holistic Leadership Training Leaders must be trained not only in policy but in ethics, systems thinking, and ecological responsibility. -/- 8. Conclusion Democratic elections, though idealized, often operate within flawed systems that violate the principles of natural law. The Universal Formula provides a holistic analytical and corrective framework. To create a just and sustainable society, governance must be aligned with the law of karma, feedback, and balance. Only through foundational change in education, structure, and leadership can democratic systems evolve to serve all. -/- References: -/- Ackerman, B. (2004). The New Separation of Powers. Harvard Law Review. -/- Capra, F. (1996). The Web of Life. Anchor Books. -/- Coronel, S. (2007). The Rulemakers: How the Wealthy and Well-Born Dominate Congress. PCIJ. -/- Dahl, R. (2000). On Democracy. Yale University Press. -/- Herman, E. S., & Chomsky, N. (1988). Manufacturing Consent. Pantheon Books. -/- Lovins, A. et al. (2007). Winning the Oil Endgame. Rocky Mountain Institute. -/- Meadows, D. (2008). Thinking in Systems: A Primer. Chelsea Green Publishing. -/- Oreskes, N., & Conway, E. M. (2010). Merchants of Doubt. Bloomsbury Press. -/- Piketty, T. (2014). Capital in the Twenty-First Century. Harvard University Press. -/- Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. Simon & Schuster. -/- Schedler, A. (2002). The Menu of Manipulation. Journal of Democracy. -/- Sunstein, C. (2009). Going to Extremes: How Like Minds Unite and Divide. Oxford University Press. -/- Wiener, N. (1948). Cybernetics. MIT Press. -/- . (shrink)

More and more people around the world are using computer (video) games. The development of the gaming industry means increasing of its complexity in all aspects. Not only is the content represented in games continuously differentiating, but we also see the increasing diversity among their creators, users, researchers and the public. This article aims to draw attention to the possibility of using the concept of social capital in ludologists’ research as well as in improving the quality of games and of (...) the cooperation between social environments related with games. Social capital is understood here as a potential of interactions embedded in interpersonal ties and social norms, which can bring advantages for individuals, groups and societies. The author takes a closer look on: the main features of this multi-dimensional category; significant differences between human, social and cultural capital; as well as the positive and negative influences of social capital. ** Z gier komputerowych (wideo) korzysta coraz więcej ludzi na całym świecie. Rozwój branży gier oznacza wzrastającą jej złożoność we wszystkich płaszczyznach. Nie tylko stale różnicują się treści przedstawiane w grach, ale też rośnie zróżnicowanie ich twórców, użytkowników, badaczy i opinii publicznej. Celem artykułu jest zwrócenie uwagi na możliwość wykorzystania koncepcji kapitału społecznego w badaniach ludologów oraz w podnoszeniu jakości gier i współpracy między środowiskami związanymi z grami. Kapitał społeczny jest tu rozumiany jako potencjał współdziałania osadzony w powiązaniach międzyludzkich i normach społecznych, który może przynosić korzyści osobom, grupom i społeczeństwom. Przybliżone zostały: główne cechy tej wielowymiarowej kategorii; istotne różnice między kapitałem ludzkim, społecznym i kulturowym; oraz pozytywne i negatywne skutki oddziaływania kapitału społecznego. (shrink)

There are two primary roles of universities – a place of learning and where new ideas and technologies are created. Universities profit from teaching and learning, research, and technology positions. It is the responsibility of institutions of higher learning to produce capable and self-directed learners who are confident and capable of contributing to society through leadership or civic engagement. Universities also prepare students for high-level employment. These institutions are also there to generate new knowledge, shift paradigms, assist society (...) in fulfilling its evolving needs and tackle new problems. Universities have further been tasked with developing highly competent staff and research output to attain their stated objectives. (shrink)

Objectives. The purpose of this study was to conduct the first randomized controlled trial (RCT) to evaluate the effectiveness of a second-generation mindfulness-based intervention (SG-MBI) for treating fibromyalgia syndrome (FMS). Compared to first generation mindfulness-based interventions, SG-MBIs are more acknowledging of the spiritual aspect of mindfulness. Design. A RCT employing intent-to-treat analysis. Methods. Adults with FMS received an 8-week SG-MBI known as meditation awareness training (MAT; n = 74) or an active control intervention known as cognitive behaviour theory for groups (...) (n = 74). Assessments were performed at pre-, post-, and 6-month follow-up phases. Results. Meditation awareness training participants demonstrated significant and sustained improvements over control group participants in FMS symptomatology, pain perception, sleep quality, psychological distress, non-attachment (to self, symptoms, and environment), and civic engagement. A mediation analysis found that (1) civic engagement partially mediated treatment effects for all outcome variables, (2) non-attachment partially mediated treatment effects for psychological distress and sleep quality, and (3) non-attachment almost fully mediated treatment effects for FMS symptomatology and pain perception. Average daily time spent in meditation was found to be a significant predictor of changes in all outcome variables. Conclusions. Meditation awareness training may be a suitable treatment for adults with FMS and appears to ameliorate FMS symptomatology and pain perception by reducing attachment to self. (shrink)

This paper discusses the rationale for, and efforts to quantify the success of, philosophy outreach efforts at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, with a focus on the National High School Ethics Bowl (NHSEB). We explore the program's democratic foundations and its potential to promote civic and intellectual virtues. After describing pioneering efforts to empirically access the impact of NHSEB, we offer recommendations to empower publicly and empirically-engaged philosophers to conduct further studies in the future.

In The Democratic Marketplace, Lisa Herzog offers a damning indictment of democratic capitalism. Among other things, she argues that capitalism has led to increased inequality, fosters an unhealthy culture of competition, that it is bad for the environment, and that it is ultimately bad for democracy itself. To save democracy we must pursue various reforms: we need to address economic inequality; we must abjure the unsustainable pursuit of economic growth and instead democratically determine the functions of the economy; and we (...) should give citizens more time for meaningful civic engagement. In this review essay I push back in defense of democratic capitalism, arguing that while Herzog overstates the negative aspects of capitalism, she also greatly understates its many benefits. Additionally, I show that her own distinctive proposals for how to democratize the economy face serious issues that should not be overlooked. Overall, expanding the scope of democratic politics is not as promising as many seem to think, while democratic capitalism is unjustifiably underappreciated. (shrink)

This "text" discusses how capitalism, colonialism, and trauma are linked to various present-day crises, including issues related to civic engagement, environmental collapse, addiction, and collective trauma. The work argues for the inevitability of universalism by going through a history of how neoliberalism colonized the world and our minds. After surveying these various crossroads of contemporary precariousness, the crises of strategic intimacies, and the paralysis of endless reductionist calculi, in this work we will come to acknowledge how between the (...) nightmares of history and a technologically overdetermined and ecologically devastated future, an examination of civic life must start from within the throngs of devotees so mesmerized by the circulations of global finance. Out of a mélange of conflicting paradigms, I look to two prevailing belief systems that underpin the most populous language-cultures of the internet; which both locate each other from the utmost periphery of one another; both have underlying religious ideologies that may aid in the acculturation of inclusive institutions which work to affirm differences among their respective congregations. Encountering a convergence from the utmost periphery from the other, gives each perspective the potential to see how they are in a “constitutive relationship with (their) own outside,” to question their own universality, as well as realizing the inadequacies that come from within" (Balibar, 36). After analyzing the political implications of the philosophies of Hegel and Spinoza, in relation to Christian and Confucian theologies, I end by admonishing "us" to take responsibility as inscribers of ritual to heal ghosts of collective trauma. (shrink)

The question of how to respond to the deep political divides in the United States today has resulted in the emergence of two camps. On one side are those who argue that the cultivation of civic virtues like civility will lead to more respectful interpersonal relationships through which consensus and mutual understanding can be built. On the other are those who argue that our commitment to justice is primary and may require uncivil behavior to disrupt and change unjust structural (...) relationships. In Healthy Conflict in Contemporary American Society, Jason Springs helps to bridge the divide between these two positions. Because he takes a relational approach that centers both interpersonal and structural relationships, Springs makes both mutual respect and just structures central to his conception of healthy conflict. Taking relationality seriously thus helps to overcome this impasse, but it also raises significant questions about the impact of asymmetrical relationships on citizens’ responsibilities to engage in healthy conflict. (shrink)

Although anonymity is a central feature of liberal democracies—not only in the secret ballot, but also in campaign funding, publishing political texts, masked protests, and graffiti—it has so far not been conceptually grounded in democratic theory. Rather, it is treated as a self-explanatory concept related to privacy. To overcome this omission, this article develops a complex understanding of anonymity in the context of democratic theory. Drawing upon the diverse literature on anonymity in political participation, it explains anonymity as a highly (...) context-dependent identity performance expressing private sentiments in the public sphere. The contradictory character of its core elements—identity negation and identity creation—results in three sets of contradictory freedoms. Anonymity affords (a) inclusion and exclusion, (b) subversion and submission, and (c) honesty and deception. This contradictory character of anonymity's affordances illustrates the ambiguous role of anonymity in democracy. (shrink)

A tanulmány a republikánus szabadságideálról szól, és annak összefüggéséről a politikai részvétellel. Két fölfogást különít el: az "erőst", mely önértéket, és a "gyöngét" , mely eszközértéket tulajdonít a részvételnek.

The terms “patriotism” and “nationalism” are distinguished historically, conceptually, and geographically. Historically, patriotism is shown to have roots in the classical republican tradition of political thought, according to which citizens should give priority to the common good of their political or civic, as distinct from national, community. Conceptually, it is argued that patriotism is best understood as a political philosophy, an account of the form or forms of dialogue that citizens should engage in when responding to their conflicts, whereas (...) nationalism is a political ideology, an account of the kinds of things that citizens should be saying within those dialogues, in particular, when they take the form of negotiation. Patriotism, then, is that political philosophy which endorses the maxim “conversation first, negotiation second, force third,” since conversation between citizens has the best prospects for realizing and developing the common good. Nationalism, by contrast, is the ideology of those who, when it comes to political negotiations, give the greatest weight to the needs of their national community. Finally, regarding geography, patriotism is shown to be concerned with the jurisdiction of the state, whereas nationalism emphasizes the permanent and sharply demarcated territory where the national community is located. The chapter then concludes with the recommendation that we all need to affirm a global patriotism, alongside the more local forms. (shrink)

Board games have emerged as powerful pedagogical tools capable of enriching primary social studies education through their unique integration of cognitive challenge, social interaction, and participatory engagement. This article examines the theoretical foundations, empirical evidence, and practical applications associated with board-game-based learning, highlighting its potential to transform traditional instruction into dynamic, student-centered experiences. Drawing on constructivist, social constructivist, experiential learning, and game-based learning theories, the study proposes a conceptual framework consisting of three interrelated dimensions-cognitive, social-effective, and participatory. A review (...) of international research reveals that board games enhance learners’ motivation, conceptual understanding, strategic reasoning, and socio-emotional competencies, while also fostering civic dispositions such as cooperation, empathy, and responsible decision-making. Classroom applications demonstrate that both commercial and teacher-designed games can be effectively integrated into inquiry-based, cooperative, and interdisciplinary learning models when supported by structured reflection and intentional facilitation. However, challenges related to curriculum alignment, teacher readiness, classroom management, inclusivity, and assessment highlight the need for thoughtful implementation and professional support. Overall, the article argues that board games offer a promising avenue for cultivating active citizenship and deeper social understanding, positioning them as transformative tools for participatory learning in primary social studies classrooms. (shrink)

This chapter explores the influence of Artificial Intelligence (AI) on digital democracy, focusing on four main areas: citizenship, participation, representation, and the public sphere. It traces the evolution from electronic to virtual and network democracy, underscoring how each stage has broadened democratic engagement through technology. Focusing on digital citizenship, the chapter examines how AI can improve online engagement while posing privacy risks and fostering identity stereotyping. Regarding political participation, it highlights AI's dual role in mobilising civic actions (...) and spreading misinformation. Regarding representation, AI's involvement in electoral processes can enhance voter registration, e-voting, and the efficiency of result tabulation but raises concerns regarding privacy and public trust. Also, AI's predictive capabilities shift the dynamics of political competition, posing ethical questions about manipulation and the legitimacy of democracy. Finally, the chapter examines how integrating AI and digital technologies can facilitate democratic political advocacy and personalised communication. However, this also comes with higher risks of misinformation and targeted propaganda. (shrink)

Democracy is the central political issue of our age, yet debates over its nature and goals rarely engage with feminist concerns. Now that women have the right to vote, they are thought to present no special problems of their own. But despite the seemingly gender-neutral categories of individual or citizen, democratic theory and practice continues to privilege the male. This book reconsiders dominant strands in democratic thinking - focusing on liberal democracy, participatory democracy, and twentieth century versions of civic (...) republicanism - and approaches these from a feminist perspective. Anne Phillips explores the under-representation of women in politics, the crucial relationship between public and private spheres, and the lessons of the contemporary women's movement as an experience in participatory democracy. (shrink)